Dear Hon Dr Smith,

Thank you for organising, at very short notice, a chance for the public to pass on our views on the government’s climate change policy (or apparent lack thereof). Sadly here in Wellington there is only one meeting scheduled – for Monday evening, at Te Papa, and I’ll be at home looking after my kids unable to attend. Please accept my apologies.

Nevertheless I’d like to let you know that I think climate change is the most important issue you and your government face.  You must go to Copenhagen with a commitment to cut New Zealand’s greenhouse gas emissions significantly.  You must also go to Copenhagen with a comprehensive plan for how we are going to meet that target to reduce our emissions.  Greenpeace’s call for a 40 percent reduction in emissions by 2020 seems like a good starting point. I urge you to adopt the strongest measures possible to limit climate change, for the sake of our people, our economy and our planet.

Yours sincerely,

Stephen Day

Stupid bloody planet.  Why do you display your most obvious climate change wounds and cancers in the places with the least people or the least powerful people?  Instead of this you could have collapsing glaciers in Washington DC, tropical storms in Remuera, malaria in London…

Not that I’m in favour of agony and suffering, but really planet, if you want people to take action you could be a bit more strategic about how you display what’s going on.

So, I want to talk a little bit about a brief spat that’s flaring up amongst us leftist bloggers and its broader political implications. I’ll need some background for this though, so bear with me. It’s an especially tricky one because it relates to worldviews, feelings, and political orientations. (by which I mean, whether your politics are about social effects or economic effects)

Essentially the global left has for some time has been divided into two camps. You can think of these as the Old Left and New Left, or Progressives and “Fauxgressives”, or whatever you like. I’m going to call them the social left and the economic left to avoid making implicit value judgements. The struggle between these two groups goes on constantly, with radical being thrown around both as a badge of pride and as a scare tactic. In some places one faction wins- for instance, there has yet to be an social-left Democrat in the White House. But the disunited Left is a reality we’ve long acknowledged to different degrees.

The social left, including myself, view the left as a collection of disparate voices who come together not necessarily by what we have intrinsically in common, but rather because of the commonality of the challenges we face. These social liberals still think of the progressive movement as collective action, but the emphasis is on collaboration and understanding of our differences rather than submission to the collective identity. We view ourselves to some degree as pragmatists, attempting to aid the progressive cause in the long-term by trying to address individual problems in the present rather than rely on class warfare to solve our problems so that we don’t fracture before we finish our work.

In contrast collectivists believe that our problems are all the same, and related to a more fundamental class identity. They view themselves as the radicals addressing the real problem (class injustice) directly. There’s a tendency to view the individualists as splitters who give ammunition to conservatives and the right, and the collectivists, not entirely without reason, howl in frustration when the smaller factions of the left do something they view as damaging the collective cause. The mantra of the collectivist could be said to be “keep on marching, we’ll get there!”

Wheras the individualists view the collectivists as centrist bullies only concerned with unemployment and free trade, trying to undermine the causes of social liberals. Youth, race, sexuality, feminism, and identity politics in general are core issues, and the understanding is that the left has legitimacy only as the collective summation of our individual votes, each of which demands that their own unique problems be addressed in addition to the generic struggle. The mantra of the individualist, on the same note, would be “don’t leave us behind!”

The problem is this: To me, my vote is mine. I will spend it on the issues that are most urgent to me right now, and if somebody wants to change my mind, they need to convince me they will do a better job of addressing the issues I care about. My philosophy on democracy is that each Party, each candidate, is a product, and because I can only buy one, I want the one that will bring progress about the fastest while still bringing stable progress, and not making the right retaliate worse. To a collectivist, my vote is viewed as being rightfully theirs, because they know what to do best, and it’s all about keeping the government benches in the right hands, and I feel like I’m being told my allegiance is “wrong” every time I hear the vanguard of Labour and New Labour criticise MMP parties for being open to working with the Right now and then when we can convince them they have some crumbs to spare. (And conveniently ignoring the fact that the individualists get crumbs from the collectivists, too.)

The Right is very good at selling itself, because the concept of image is natural to the political elite they attract as candidates. The collectivists have a disdain for selling themselves, and want to focus on fighting the Right, pulling them down. The issue is that this is opposition tactics and only good for getting the government benches. While the government benches are nice, we live in a genuinely democratic society, and as hard as you try, public opinion always shifts eventually. Individualists see a bidding war as a viable strategy not only to negotiate greater gains from the

The individualists demand that our representatives sell- not themselves- but the policy gains they can achieve for various groups of the left. (Whether a given individualist cares about one, some, or all of these groups depends on which one you pick, so we’re a fussy crowd to deal to.) We do not respond to calls to collective action until they touch “our” issues, and we guard the support of our favoured candidates and causes jealously, and lash out when they’re criticised for trying to make progressive gains.

The fundamental it comes down to is that we in the left are not united around class. Sure, class CAN explain many of our problems, but that’s part of a wider trend- that our uniting factor is not who we are of ourselves, but rather the fact that we all know what can happen when people are mistreated and oppressed. If the left is to stay united, as the collectivists imply they want, then we need to find some basis upon which we can agree not to join in the oppression and mistreatment we feel at the hands of the right. So far we have not done well at that, and while the last Labour Government made a lot of progress, the collectivists tend to feel it involved too much splitting

I think all parts of the Left want a Left government in 2011, especially after seeing what a joke National trying to be centrist has been. But the Greens and the Māori Party won’t be giving up on finding policy concessions to eke out of National in the mean time, to present a strong case that they need to be a fundamental backbone to any sea change we try for in 2011. And I think it’s wrong to say that’s somehow bad politics. We’re carving out our own way and seeking to rise the social tide, rather than the economic one- because we are used to having to convince the bigger sibling to take on those causes we have the best chance of getting agreement to, and there is little in the way of economic common ground with National. When we have a chance to work with Labour we will probably take it. But until then- my party, my vote- are both my choice.

Remember Nick Smith stomping around the country stirring up racism and bigotry following the Court of Appeal Foreshore and Seabed judgment.

And remember this from John Key:

Now don’t get me wrong. I welcome the National Party’s apparent change of position on the Foreshore and Seabed Act.

But let’s not forget that the National Party opposed the Foreshore and Seabed Act for very different reasons to the Greens and Act. While the Greens and Act took the principled position that the law abrogated the right to justice and property rights, National opposed the FSA because they considered it conferred too many rights upon Māori.

National were just as complicit as Labour in this despicably racist chapter in our nation’s history. Let’s not forget that as we proceed to unravel it.

Hat Tip: The Standard (for the video)

The truth is out!

Sue Bradford questioned Minister of Social Development and Employment Paula Bennett in Parliament today.

Last week Paula Bennett revealed a supposed job creation agreement with McDonalds during a select committee meeting at Parliament. The agreement will (according to Bennett):

…provide up to 7000 unemployed for the fast-food chain’s restaurant expansion plans over the next five years…

Her Deputy Chief Executive said:

Under the deal with McDonald’s, Work and Income would help with the recruitment and training of 7000 staff in service roles and “positions which provide a career path”, Work and Income deputy chief executive Patricia Reade said.

“We’re very pleased that we will be able to offer unemployed people over the next five years opportunities in the food and hospitality trade,” she said.

McDonald’s intends to open 30 new restaurants over the next five years.

But today, under questioning from Sue Bradford, Paula Bennett has been caught out telling fibs. As Paula Bennett told Sue Bradford in Parliament:

It is a job subsidy for long-term beneficiaries, and it has been around for years. The job subsidy that goes with the individual is not new. The partnership and the way that we access those employees are different, but the job funding is not different or exceptional.

So there is nothing new about the arrangement with McDonalds. There is no special agreement – it is just what they have inherited from governements past. As Paula now admits, it’s been around for years.

As I suspected, National has no idea about how to create jobs and stimulate the economy in a recession. They won’t buy into the Green New Deal proposals, apart from the home insulation one that Labour had already been dragged screaming and kicking to agree to before the election.

This really is a clueless government as far as dealing with the recession goes. They sit back, hope all will come right in a year or two (in time for the next election) and watch untold thousands of New Zealanders being thrown on the unemployment scrapheap.

And their solution is to trot out an job placement and subsidy initiative that has existed for the last couple of decades in the hope that New Zealanders will see this as something new and McDonalds uptake of it as the solution to our financial and employment crisis.

Anyway, Paula, would you like fries with your financial and employment crisis? Because the economy and the unemployment statistics won’t come right until you actually do something, rather than rely on the somewhat parsimonious initiatives of those who have done something before you.

No Right Turn blogs:

Today is a Member’s Day, and the big debate today is likely to be on Metiria Turei’s Misuse of Drugs (Medicinal Cannabis) Amendment Bill. The goal of the bill is to allow people with severe medical conditions to use cannabis for pain and nausea relief – something which ought to be a straight medical question of whether it is safe and effective. But the bill muddies the waters by letting those sick people get a license to grow their own or buy it from a designated agent – something which significantly reduces the cost, but which is bound to inflame the anti-drug wingnuts.

The Health Committee recently considered this issue in response to a petition from NORML [PDF]. Despite being told by the Ministry of Health that cannabis was a safe and effective medicine for some conditions with fewer and less dangerous side-effects than medicines currently in use, the furtherest it would go was recommending that one (prohibitively expensive) cannabis-based medicine be made easier to prescribe. Based on that, I think there’s no enthusiasm to pass this bill in this Parliament. Which means that people who find cannabis effective in treating their ailments will just have to keep breaking the law.

I might be pleasantly surprised, but I suspect No Right Turn is correct – that this very sensible Bill will be voted down, despite the evidence showing that cannabis is an extremely effective analgesic in these circumstances and has far less adverse side effects and is far cheaper (free if you grow it yourself) than alternatives.

Why can’t the other parties emulate the Greens by basing their policies on evidence, rather than pandering to often bigoted and uninformed public opinion?

Irishbill at The Standard points out that our government’s wonderful new agreement with McDonalds is actually just a continuation of an agreement with the previous government.

So not only is the government so desperate for news that they’re fighting unemployment that they’ll resort to making a big deal of their McJobs program, they’re really so desperate that they’ll spin an old McJobs program as a new one.

Can someone explain to me why between the media and the opposition1 we haven’t had a snap election yet? Because they should be all over this sort of amateurism. Someone pinch me when the publicity charade ends.

1As opposed to the cross-benches, which I think is actually a pretty important distinction.

Child discipline referendum chief petitioner Sheryl Savill is described in today’s Dominion Post as:

a “communicator” for a conservative critics say Right wing evangelical organisation, Focus on the Family.

But elsewhere in the article, the Dominion Post states:

Ms Savill, 40, has asked petition organisers not to give her contact details to the news media…

Seems the “communicator” doesn’t want to communicate right now, and has run off to hide from the media somewhere in the United States.

Anyway Sheryl, if you read this blog, you can still pull the plug on your stupidly worded referendum costing New Zealand taxpayers another $6 million. You’ve got until this Friday. Remember, only 18% of New Zealanders think progressing it is a good use of taxpayers’ money.

National, having campaigned on not selling off or privatising state assets in its first term, has now moved its prisons policy from case-by case private management to full-blown private management for every prison. Here’s a hint, National: Putting prisons under private management is still privatisation even if you don’t sell them, and you knew the public simply did not want privatisation right now. Putting something off the table means you need reasonably robust plans for not doing it. Clearly your plans were not robust.

This is of course ignoring the fact that National is trying to salvage the disaster that was Labour’s softer version of their own vengeance-based incarceration program. But even just breaking their most crucial election promise is enough to make this move all sorts of stupid.

Would you prefer to have twenty people bash you to death with clubs, or one shoot you until you died? Either way you’re still hurting and dying. This principle is why I really don’t get people who say it’s okay to take away people’s rights so long as we do it by referendum- whether it’s the Māori seats, a child’s right not to be hit in an abusive manner under a defense of correction, the right of any two people to marry regardless of gender identity or sexual orientation- whatever.

The point is there is no difference between a totalitarian regime imposing a specific injustice because of the word of Dear Leader, and 50+% of us deciding to rob some portion of the rest of human rights. In matters of protections from abuse or entitlements to civil rights, the people who will actually be affected should also agree they aren’t needed before we start talking about a referendum at all.

And, to the current specific case before us with the upcoming referendum: seeing we don’t enfranchise kids, perhaps we should be even more careful about taking away their legal protections over some populist whip-up with no real weight of argument behind it. Let’s be neither the twenty with clubs nor the one with the gun, when we could instead so easily be a society of parents and other caregivers who realise that “corrective” violence, even when it starts off not hurting, just isn’t worth it. :)

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